By Kunio Nishiyama & Herman Kelen
This booklet describes a grammar (mainly morphology and syntax) of the Lewoingu dialect of Lamaholot, an Austronesian language (Central-Malayo-Polynesian subgroup) spoken by means of 150,000 ~ 200,000 humans at the japanese tip of Flores and the encompassing zone in japanese Indonesia. Lamaholot has 35 dialects, and even supposing there are a few descriptions and dictionaries for different dialects, the Lewoingu dialect hasn't ever been defined prior to. the outline during this ebook is essentially theory-neutral, and analyses are stored to a minimal. This paintings should be of curiosity to descriptive linguists and Austronesian experts, particularly simply because languages of japanese Indonesia usually are poorly documented and kinfolk of numerous dialects of Lamaholot are poorly understood. Typologists and theoretical linguists will be attracted to specified contract in Lamaholot, the place contract emerges not just on verbs and adjectives, but in addition on adverbs, numerals, a preposition, or even at the conjunction ('and'). Theoreticians may also be drawn to the bankruptcy on resumptive pronouns, that's a unprecedented description of the phenomena in Austronesian languages and exhibits that Lamaholot essentially stocks normal homes of resumptive pronouns present in Irish and Semitic languages. additionally of curiosity are possessive structures, the place the possessor might be both pronominal or postnominal, and every different has bizarre constraints.
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Additional resources for A Grammar of Lamaholot, Eastern Indonesia
Qˤ- > *k-, which evidently had already happened by late Hàn and is reflected in the Shuōwén. The patterns of phonetic elements in the script indicate that, far from being simpler than those of Middle Chinese, the syllable onsets of Old Chinese must have been considerably more complex. In general, we want to keep our reconstructions constrained as much as possible, so that they have some predictive value: a reconstruction that allowed all conceivable complex combinations of consonants might be able to account for all the existing xiéshēng relationships, but it is equally important to make predictions about what combinations should not occur.
Here are some examples: (12) 弋 yì < yik ‘shoot arrow with string attached’ is phonetic in 代 dài < dojH ‘replace’ (13) 余 yú < yo < ‘I’ is phonetic in 涂 tú < du < ‘path’ (14) 易 牙 Yìyá < MC yek-ngae, a proper name, also appears written as 狄 牙 Díyá < MC dek-ngae. The evidence for Old Chinese27 These facts are often summarized in the saying, familiar to Chinese paleographers, that “Yù sì gǔ guī Dìng 喻 四 古 歸 定” ([The initial] 喻 四 Yù sì in ancient times went back to [the initial] 定 Dìng). Similar reasoning led scholars to conclude that the Middle Chinese initials ny- (traditional name: 日 Rì), nr- (娘 Niáng), and n- (泥 Ní) all had the same origin, because the same phonetic element could be used to write any of them.
Tuán ‘round; plenty’ < MC dwan < OC *-on, contrasting with syllables like 壇 tán ‘altar’ < MC dan < OC *-an. 10), but the rounded-vowel hypothesis says that they must have had different main vowels, and thus predicts that they should not rhyme with each other in Old Chinese. 13 Similar distributional arguments led to the “front-vowel hypothesis,” which predicts the existence of still more rhyme distinctions that were overlooked in the traditional analysis; these predictions are also supported by the rhyme data.